The Valley News [Lebanon, NH]
Saturday, October 23, 2004
Reckoning With Bush
(First of two parts)
After Sept. 11, Americans didn't need to be
convinced that the threat of terrorism had to be taken seriously.
The thousands of deaths, the collapse of the Twin Towers and the attack
on the Pentagon made the case quite effectively. Still, the
country needed a leader who could give voice to the collective resolve
to respond quickly and forcefully to this threat. George Bush,
still in the first year of his presidency, fulfilled that role
admirably. What he lacked in eloquence he compensated for with
clarity, decisiveness and determination. The war he launched in
Afghanistan enjoyed broad support.
That now seems like long ago. The man whose
leadership in the war against terror once united the country and,
indeed, much of the world has now polarized both to an extent not seen
in recent memory. The world remains no less convinced of the
necessity of defeating terrorism. But Bush has raised questions
about whether he is capable of leading the war, and he has done that
primarily through his misadventure in Iraq.
Bush has offered several rationales for invading
Iraq, and they have two things in common. Each asserted some
connection to the war on terror, and each has proved wrong. As
virtually everyone in the world now knows, the Saddam Hussein regime
didn't have weapons of mass destruction, its capacity to develop them
was diminishing at the time of the invasion and it had no collaborative
relationship with international terrorists. The last rationale
standing is the theory that a democratic Iraq will transform the Middle
East and make the region a less fertile breeding ground for
terrorism. Thousands of American and Iraqi lives have been
sacrificed for that theory, and a year and a half of occupation has
brought Iraq closer to chaos than self-government.
In the process, the administration has squandered
more than just billions of dollars. It has sacrificed its
credibility by, as is now clear, manipulating evidence before the
invasion and denying it afterward. It has compromised the
country's moral stature -- not only by its dishonest presentation of
evidence but by downplaying the magnitude of the Abu Ghraib prison
scandal and its own role in fuzzing the line between tough
interrogation and torture. Also gone is the administration's
claim to
competence. It's not just that the decision to go to war was
wrong, it's also that the prosecution of the war has been
bungled. Pre-war warnings about insufficient force numbers were
ignored, the troops that were deployed were ill-equipped, and there was
inadequate planning for the occupation. Yet the administration
blithely refuses to acknowledge its mistakes.
It costs money to wage two wars and defend the
nation against a new type of international threat, and Americans have
never balked at making financial sacrifices necessary for national
security. The administration never asked. Instead, it
doggedly plowed ahead with its plan to offer billions in tax breaks
that flow disproportionately to a tiny percentage of Americans who
already are doing quite well. The result is a record deficit, a
widening gap between rich and poor, and a diminished capacity to
respond to increasing financial pressure on two essential entitlement
programs -- Social Security and Medicare.
As was clear from the strong initial support for the
Patriot Act, the war on terror convinced Americans that it was
necessary to review the balance between liberty and security. But
there's a huge difference between pushing for updated wiretap laws to
account for technology changes and asserting the right, as this
administration has done, to scoop up citizens and noncitizens alike,
throw them in prison and hold them for as long as is deemed necessary
without legal counsel and the opportunity to challenge their arrest. As
Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor noted when the high court
insisted that the government give "enemy combatants" some means for
challenging their detention, "History and common sense teach us that an
unchecked system of detention carries the potential to become a means
for oppression and abuse of others." It shouldn't require a Supreme
Court ruling in 2004 to make clear what the Founding Fathers grasped in
the late 18th century.
The administration's environmental and energy
policies are egregiously bad, but they're wrongheaded in a standard
way: They defer to special interests that support the Republican Party
and don't depart significantly from the policies of some previous
Republican presidents. The administration's Iraq policy, on the
other hand, represents a radical departure -- in its cavalier approach
to war, in its contempt for longstanding alliances, and in its faith in
the transformational power of nation-building. A succession of highly
critical investigative reports highlight one contributing factor to
George Bush's radicalism: His administration's hostility to dissenting
opinion within its inner circle of key decision-makers.
Allowing the government to remain in the hands of
true-believers who exclude second opinions would be a disturbing
prospect under normal circumstances. At a time when the nation faces a
grave national security threat, it's frightening.
(Tomorrow, the case for John Kerry)
Sunday, October 24, 2004
John Kerry
(Second of Two Parts)
Does the mere fact that John Kerry is not George
Bush automatically entitle him to voters' support? Not
necessarily, although those who read yesterday's editorial about the
failings of the Bush administration will realize that it's a good
start. Fortunately, the Massachusetts senator has used the past
year to make a compelling case that his election is essential.
When it comes to the most important issue of the
campaign -- the war in Iraq -- Kerry's goal does not differ markedly
from the current administration's. Both the president and his
challenger believe that the United States must stay in Iraq until the
new government is firmly in control, although for different
reasons. Bush still believes that Iraq will serve as a prototype
for the democratization of the Middle East, while Kerry places more
emphasis on the grave regional threat posed by an
unstable Iraq.
But given the fact that the next president is
committed to staying the course in Iraq, Kerry is by far the better of
the two candidates to oversee the effort. It is doubtful that his
election would prompt other nations to eagerly step forward to help in
Iraq. But to the extent that this bad situation can be managed
intelligently, Kerry would bring to the table the traditional tools of
statecraft -- flexibility, honest analysis, consultation and
negotiation. Under normal circumstances, that would be expected. In
2004, however, when war and nation-building have become the means for
an international experiment by a small band of neoconservatives, it
would represent a vast improvement. A more realistic, less messianic
approach to Iraq would help refocus the executive branch on the most
pressing job -- protecting the country from terrorism. And the changed
tone that Kerry would bring to the White House and the emphasis he
would place on renewing old alliances promise to ensure that the effort
to defeat terrorism remains an international one.
Service in the Senate has provided Kerry with enough
exposure to foreign affairs to discuss them knowledgeably and
confidently. It also has allowed him to compile a record that provides
a clear indication of how he would steer policy from the White House.
Americans could expect a Kerry White House to respect the need to keep
national policy free of religious overtones, to pursue an environmental
agenda that regards the nation's natural resources as assets to be
protected rather than exploited, and to formulate an energy policy that
focuses on considerations other than quenching the nation's oversized
thirst for fossil fuels.
On the campaign trail, Kerry has advocated a
proposal to have the federal government reimburse employee health
insurance plans for 75 percent of the catastrophic costs they incur
above $50,000, as long as that aid is used to reduce the cost of
workers' premiums. It is not a comprehensive plan, and it will
place a significant new financial burden on the federal government, but
it offers a sensible approach for protecting employer-based health
plans from huge increases and for reversing a disturbing trend -- the
increasing number of people who find themselves without insurance.
The cost of that and other Kerry proposals almost
surely signals that he has no serious plan to reduce the deficit,
despite his intention to repeal tax cuts for those earning more than
$200,000. On the other hand, if the federal government is going
to pile on debt, better to do so by extending a hand to people who
genuinely need help than by showering tax breaks on the privileged and
well-connected. At the very least, we know that Kerry's heart is
in the right place.
Kerry deserves voters' support not only because his
policy proposals compare favorably with the incumbent's, but because
they offer further evidence that he would bring a level-headed,
intelligent approach to governing. We live in dangerous times and
require a leader who can deal rationally with the world in all
its perilous complexity.
Copyright © 2004 The Valley News.
Reprinted by
permission. (Martin Frank
Dec. 16, 2004)
"These endorsements reflected the consensus of a four-person editorial
board and followed a discussion about which candidates we wished to
endorse and what we wanted to emphasize in urging others to vote for
them. We had never before
written a two-part endorsement but decided that it would be an
effective way to flag our unhappiness with the incumbent and the
importance we placed in the election." -M. Frank